One Man's Terrorist Page 26
74. Fanning, Éamon de Valera, pp. 187–98.
75. Ó Gráda, A Rocky Road, p. 109; McCabe, Sins of the Father, pp. 22–7.
76. Brian Hanley, The IRA, 1926–1936, Dublin 2002, p. 16.
77. O’Connor, Reds and the Green, pp. 128, 170–3.
78. Richard English, ‘Socialism and republican schism in Ireland: the emergence of the Republican Congress in 1934’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 27, no. 105, May 1990, p. 51.
79. Ibid., pp. 54–6.
80. Richard English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA, London 2003, pp. 52–3, 60–5.
81. Joe Lee, Ireland 1912–1985: Politics and Society, Cambridge 1989, pp. 301–2.
82. Robert White, Out of the Ashes: An Oral History of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement, Dublin 2017, p. 34.
83. Ibid., p. 39.
84. Flynn, Soldiers of Folly, p. 197.
2. Fish through a Desert
1. Billy McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA, 1962–1967’, in Des O’Hagan, ed., Liam MacMaolain: Separatist, Socialist, Republican, Belfast 1976, p. 1.
2. An tÓglách, October–November 1967.
3. George Gilmore, Labour and the Republican Movement, Dublin 1966.
4. United Irishman, July 1967.
5. Kieran Conway, Southside Provisional: From Freedom Fighter to the Four Courts, Dublin 2014, p. 15.
6. Brian Hanley and Scott Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party, 2010, p. 25.
7. Matt Treacy, The IRA, 1956–69: Rethinking the Republic, Manchester 2014, p. 15.
8. Peter Taylor, Provos: the IRA and Sinn Féin, London 1997, pp. 45–6.
9. Irish Times, 4 January 2014.
10. United Irishman, September 1965.
11. Ibid., July 1967.
12. NAI D/T 98/6/495.
13. Ibid.
14. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA, London 1997, p. 116.
15. United Irishman, July 1966.
16. Ibid., July 1968.
17. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 84–5, 88–90, 97–8.
18. Treacy, The IRA, 1956–69, p. 109.
19. Cathal Goulding, ‘The New Strategy of the IRA’, New Left Review, November–December 1970, p. 57.
20. Niamh Puirséil, The Irish Labour Party, 1922–73, Dublin 2007.
21. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, pp. 113–14.
22. Henry Patterson and Eric Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism since 1945: The Decline of the Loyal Family, Manchester 2007, p. 5; O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 114.
23. Ibid., p. 123.
24. Ibid., pp. 131–2.
25. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, pp. 56–7.
26. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 127.
27. Graham Ellison and Jim Smyth, The Crowned Harp: Policing Northern Ireland, London 2000, pp. 21–31.
28. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, pp. 129–31; John Whyte, Understanding Northern Ireland, Oxford 1990, p. 56.
29. Bob Rowthorn and Naomi Wayne, Northern Ireland: The Political Economy of Conflict, Cambridge 1988, p. 35.
30. Ellison and Smyth, The Crowned Harp, p. 36.
31. Rowthorn and Wayne, Northern Ireland, p. 209.
32. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 131.
33. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, pp. 108, 112, 154–5.
34. Henry Patterson, Ireland Since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict, London 2007, p. 44.
35. Liam O’Dowd, Bill Rolston and Mike Tomlinson, Northern Ireland: Between Civil Rights and Civil War, London 1980, p. 12.
36. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, p. 105.
37. Simon Prince and Geoffrey Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt: A New History of the Start of the Troubles, Newbridge 2012, p. 51.
38. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left: An Autobiography, Belfast 1993, p. 132.
39. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, p. 151.
40. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes, London 1996, p. 176.
41. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, London 1972, p. 47.
42. Gerry Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, Dingle 1986, p. 12; McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA, 1962–1967’, p. 8.
43. Rosita Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’: Ireland 1972, London 1972, p. 195. GHQ: General Headquarters, commanders appointed by the IRA’s chief of staff.
44. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 55–8.
45. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA, 1962–1967’, p. 5.
46. United Irishman, May 1965.
47. Ibid., January 1967.
48. Members of the Irish community in Britain set up the Connolly Association in the 1940s to promote left-wing and republican ideas. Greaves was the editor of its newspaper, the Irish Democrat, for many years.
49. Desmond Greaves, Northern Ireland: Civil Rights and Political Wrongs, London 1969.
50. Communist Party of Northern Ireland, North Ireland: For Peace and Socialism, Belfast 1952, p. 12.
51. Brian Dooley, Black and Green: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland and Black America, London 1998, p. 106.
52. Hazel Morrissey, ‘Betty Sinclair: A Woman’s Fight for Socialism, 1910–1981’, Saothar, no. 9, 1983.
53. United Irishman, September 1968.
54. Gerry Adams, ‘A republican in the civil rights campaign’, in Michael Farrell, ed., Twenty Years On, Dingle 1988, p. 44.
55. Gerry Foley, Ireland in Rebellion, New York 1970, p. 23.
56. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, pp. 13–14.
57. Purdie, Politics in the Streets, p. 135.
58. PRONI HA/32/2/27.
59. Steve Bruce, Paisley: Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland, Oxford 2009, pp. 80–9.
60. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, p. 72. In fact, the IRA had no plan to organize large-scale disturbances on the fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Rising that year, but Unionist leaders like Clark assumed that they must have been preparing something.
61. United Irishman, November 1966. Bennett, who came from a Protestant background, had joined the Communist Party during the Second World War and worked alongside Desmond Greaves in the Connolly Association. He wrote an influential column for Dublin’s Sunday Press under the pen name ‘Claude Gordon’, focusing on the misdeeds of Stormont, and took part in the discussions that led to NICRA’s launch.
62. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 75–8.
63. Peter Taylor, Loyalists, London 1999, p. 43.
64. Conor Cruise O’Brien, States of Ireland, London 1974, p. 193.
65. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, p. 15.
66. United Irishman, December 1967.
67. The clearest summary of this perspective can be found in the ‘Freedom Manifesto’ issued by the Official republicans at the beginning of 1970: United Irishman, February 1970.
68. PRONI HA/32/2/27.
69. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, pp. 36–7.
3. Points of No Return
1. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, p. 85.
2. Simon Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt and the Origins of the Troubles, Dublin 2007.
3. O’Leary and McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 121.
4. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles, Basingstoke 2005, pp. 37–9.
5. Purdie, Politics in the Streets, p. 229.
6. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 18.
7. PRONI HA/32/2/26.
8. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–67’, p. 9.
9. Roy Johnston, A Century of Endeavour: A Biographical and Autobiographical View of the Twentieth Century in Ireland, Dublin 2003, p. 236.<
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10. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–67’, p. 9.
11. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 18.
12. PRONI HA/32/2/26.
13. PRONI CAB/4/1406.
14. Disturbances in Northern Ireland: Report of the Commission appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland, Belfast 1969, para. 44 (hereafter Cameron Report).
15. Cameron Report, paras 186, 213.
16. Ibid., para. 54.
17. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town, London 1993, p. 91.
18. Cameron Report, para. 165.
19. Ibid., paras. 102–16
20. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 99.
21. Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, pp. 164–7.
22. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 25–7.
23. PRONI CAB 9B/205/7.
24. PRONI CAB/4/141/3.
25. PRONI CAB 9B/309/1.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. PRONI CAB 9B/205/8.
29. Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, pp. 206–8; Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, p. 193.
30. Cameron Report, para. 195.
31. Liam Baxter et al., ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, New Left Review, May–June 1969, p. 8.
32. In 1966, Farrell had spoken on behalf of an Irish student organization at a left-wing congress in Vienna and successfully proposed a motion demanding ‘immediate repeal’ of the Special Powers Act: United Irishman, July 1966.
33. Michael Farrell, ‘Long March to Freedom’, in Farrell, ed., Twenty Years On, p. 56.
34. Bernadette Devlin, The Price of My Soul, London 1969, pp. 117–18.
35. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 295.
36. Paul Arthur, The People’s Democracy 1968–73, Belfast 1974, pp. 38, 43.
37. Devlin, Straight Left, pp. 92–3.
38. PRONI HA/32/2/26.
39. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 64.
40. Ibid., pp. 66–7.
41. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 29–30, 35–6.
42. Cameron Report, para. 100.
43. O’Brien, States of Ireland, pp. 165–6; Joe Lee, Ireland 1912–1985: Politics and Society, Cambridge 1989, pp. 422–3; Taylor, Loyalists, p. 56; Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, pp. 204–7; Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, pp. 194–211.
44. Daniel Finn, ‘The Point of No Return? People’s Democracy and the Burntollet March’, Field Day Review, vol. 9, 2013.
45. Cameron Report, para. 101.
46. People’s Democracy, Comments on Cameron, Belfast 1969, para. 39.
47. Cameron Report, para. 183.
48. Liam de Paor, Divided Ulster, London 1971, p. 182. McCann was not actually a member of People’s Democracy at the time, but Cameron treated him as such throughout his report, and he was certainly a well-known associate of the march organizers.
49. Cameron Report, para. 96.
50. Ibid., para. 195.
51. Dooley, Black and Green, pp. 55–6.
52. Patterson, Ireland Since 1939, p. 203.
53. O’Brien, States of Ireland, p. 148 (emphasis in original). Of course, O’Brien was quite wrong to imply that ‘Dixie’ had settled down to a ‘fairly peaceful’ trajectory of racial reform after Eisenhower sent in troops to enforce desegregation. SNCC organized the march from Selma to Montgomery almost a decade later, after its activists had endured years of murder, torture and arbitrary arrest at the hands of southern police forces and their civilian accomplices, while the federal government stood idly by: Howard Zinn, SNCC: The New Abolitionists, Cambridge, MA 2002, pp. 263–7.
54. Farrell seems not to have anticipated the IRA’s revival. In a pamphlet published towards the end of 1969, he attacked ‘militant anti-partitionists’ who wanted to impose a united Ireland by force, but the people Farrell had in mind were a coterie of Fianna Fáil politicians in the South: ‘The anti-partitionists’ alternative to the use of British troops to put down the Protestant extremists is the use of the Irish Army.’ Farrell did not raise the possibility that the northern Catholic ghettoes might produce their own anti-partitionist army: Michael Farrell, Struggle in the North, Belfast 1969, p. 32.
55. PRONI CAB/9/B/205/8.
56. PRONI CAB/4/1425.
57. Ibid.
58. PRONI CAB/4/1427.
59. Arthur, The People’s Democracy, p. 119. Republicans described PD’s agnostic stance towards the Irish border as a ‘pernicious doctrine’: United Irishman, March 1969.
60. Arthur, The People’s Democracy, p. 49.
61. Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party, pp. 171–2.
62. Taylor, Loyalists, pp. 59–61.
63. PRONI HA/32/3/1.
64. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 40.
65. Dooley, Black and Green, pp. 65–6.
66. Baxter et al., ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, p. 6.
67. Eamonn McCann, ‘Derry: Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’ (1969).
68. Ronan Fanning, ‘Playing It Cool: The Response of the British and Irish Governments to the Crisis in Northern Ireland, 1968–9’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, vol. 12, 2001, p. 71.
69. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 101–4.
4. Law and Disorder
1. At the time, Sinn Féin had no seats to take, so the question of attendance was purely hypothetical.
2. Taylor, Provos, p. 66.
3. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 125.
4. Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography, Dingle 1996, p. 104.
5. Goulding, ‘The New Strategy of the IRA’, pp. 57–8.
6. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–1967’, p. 11.
7. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 133–4.
8. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA 1962–1967’, p. 11.
9. Goulding, ‘The New Strategy of the IRA’, p. 59.
10. Ibid.
11. Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 104.
12. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 155.
13. Patrick Bishop and Eamonn Mallie, The Provisional IRA, London 1988, pp. 92–3, 115.
14. Malachi O’Doherty, Gerry Adams: An Unauthorized Life, London 2017, pp. 44–5.
15. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom, pp. 8–13.
16. Adams, ‘A Republican in the Civil Rights Campaign’, pp. 49–50; Before the Dawn, pp. 121–9. This conclusion is based to some extent on reading between the lines, since Adams has never discussed his role as an IRA commander.
17. Jim Monaghan, interview, 11 August 2011.
18. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 160.
19. Kevin Kelley, The Longest War: Northern Ireland and the IRA, London 1988, pp. 128–9.
20. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’, p. 155.
21. Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68, pp. 103–5.
22. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 262.
23. Ar Aghaidh le Sinn Féin, Dublin 1968; Foley, Ireland in Rebellion, pp. 29–31.
24. This version of events first appeared in the United Irishman, and was then compiled in two pamphlets: Fianna Fáil: The IRA Connection and Fianna Fáil and the IRA (n.d.).
25. Fianna Fáil and the IRA, p. 27.
26. Taylor, Provos, p. 62; Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, pp. 130–1.
27. Taylor, Provos p. 63.
28. United Irishman, January 1970, September 1970.
29. Ibid., March 1970.
30. Mike Milotte, Communism in Modern Ireland: The Pursuit of the Workers’ Republic Since 1916, Dublin 1984, p. 278.
31. Communist Party of Ireland, A Democratic Solution, Belfast 1971.
32. Gerard Murray and Jonathan Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP: From Alienation to Participation, London 2005, pp. 10–13.
33. Fanning, ‘Playing It Cool’, p. 72. Callaghan’s habit of talking about Northern Ireland ‘as if we were some sort of external territory’ enraged Chiches
ter-Clark. He would not have been reassured by the comments of the British foreign secretary, Michael Stewart, when his Irish counterpart called for the Apprentice Boys march to be banned: ‘A similar problem had arisen in Bermuda recently.’ Ibid., pp. 71–2.
34. Ibid., pp. 75–6.
35. Patterson and Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism, pp. 78, 95, 102–3, 111.
36. Prince and Warner, Belfast and Derry in Revolt, p. 221.
37. Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland, paras 803–4.
38. Peter Taylor, Brits: The War Against the IRA, London 2002, p. 32.
39. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 142.
40. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 126.
41. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 121–3.
42. The derisory harvest of reform by the end of 1971 is summarized well in Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 300–1.
43. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 136–40.
44. NAI D/T 2001/6/513.
45. Operation Banner, para. 538.
46. Taylor, Provos, pp. 73–4; Bishop and Mallie, The Provisional IRA, p. 158.
47. PRONI CAB/9/G/89/2.
48. Thomas Hennessy, The Evolution of the Troubles 1970–72, Dublin 2007, pp. 28–31.
49. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, p. 206.
50. Taylor, Provos, pp. 75–8.
51. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 226–7.
52. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 184.
53. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 131.
54. United Irishman, January 1970.
55. Ibid., April 1970.
56. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, pp. 215–17.
57. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 157.
58. Colm Campbell and Ita Connolly, ‘A Model for the “War Against Terrorism?” Military Intervention in Northern Ireland and the 1970 Falls Curfew’, Journal of Law and Society, vol. 30, no. 3, September 2003.
59. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left: An Autobiography, Belfast 1993, p. 134.
60. Operation Banner, para. 829.
61. United Irishman, June 1971.
62. Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, p. 159.
63. PRONI CAB/4/1535. The bill in question resulted in one unsuccessful prosecution of a loyalist by the end of 1971.
64. Ciaran de Baróid, Ballymurphy and the Irish War, London 2000, pp. 49–57.
65. Ed Moloney, Voices from the Grave: Two Men’s War in Ireland, London 2010, pp. 70–1.